By Sola Imoru
Published: Sunday, 27 May 2007

The Vice-President and presidential candidate of the Action Congress in the April elections, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar will not be returning to the country before May 29.

Speaking with Empowered Newswire during the week in the United States where he had gone for medical treatment, Atiku said he will be in the US for the next two weeks for his therapy. Abubakar also said the decision to return to Nigeria would be taken by his doctor.

On whether he was looking up to taking political appointment with the new government, Abubakar said, ”I‘m not looking up to it. I‘m not hungry.”

The vice-president, however said he was still committed to his petition at the election tribunal.

The none arrival of Atiku has fuelled speculations that his trip to the United States might be a ploy to evade arrest after he would have been stripped of immunity on May 29.

It will be recalled that he had sustained a knee injury while undergoing physical exercises in the gymnasium in his quarters at Aso Rock and had been flown abroad in a presidential jet for medical attention. Shortly after the April poll, Abubakar travelled to the US for medical check-up.

Shortly after he travelled out, he was indicted by the Senate committee on the Petroleum Technology Development Fund. This fuelled the rumour that he might not come back to evade prosecution.

Indications were also strong that Abubakar might not come back to the country until plans were concluded with the President-elect, Alhaji Umar Musa Yar‘Adua, to give him a soft landing. Abubakar however denied this in its saying that he had no deal with anybody.



http://www.punchontheweb.com/Articl.aspx?theartic=Art200705271322590

A good question? The surprise is that this question is still being
asked. Black women have consistently shown more courage than their
men. I do not know why, but this has been my observation. A few
examples will suffice:
• Ogu Umunwanyi (Women's War) which started in 1929 is credited
with the Nigerian version of "taxation without representation." The
Colonial government had imposed an unfair taxation on both men and
women. The women of Aba and other parts of the then Eastern Nigeria
were organized and challenged the Colonial Government and forced the
cancellation of this imposition. The men did nothing, or rather the
men hid under their beds.
• Remember Mrs. Margaret Ekpo? In case one has forgotten,
Margaret was the woman who organized the Aba Market Women's
Association. I will let others speak for me.
• Margaret Ekpo formed the Aba Market Women Association in 1946
as a platform to advance the interest of women. In reaction to the so-
called Iva Valley massacres, which occurred in November 1949 in Enugu
when colonial troops commanded by a British officer killed 20
striking miners agitating for a pay rise, she used the platform of
the Association to mobilise other women associations across the
country to protest the killings. From Guardian News Editorial

• In 1949, there was the Enugu Coal Mines shooting incident.
She (Margaret) recalls how it started then: "The miners requested for
increases in wages. Vexed by the boldness of the miners, their
leaders were ordered to be shot dead."

When the news got to Aba women, they organized public
demonstrations. "I got in touch with some of these women groups and
through a coordinated effort, declared a day of national mourning for
the victims of the massacre. This helped to draw sympathy throughout
Nigeria and abroad. This event shook the entire country to its
foundation."

From Carlisle U. O. Umunnah
Margaret Ekpo: an Agent of Change: 1914 to 2006

. The association (Aba Market Women's Association - BOA) remained
intact until the Enugu Coal Miners shooting.

It was a golden opportunity for her (Margaret Ekpo) to ascend to the
peak of her goal -- to fight the colonialists out of Nigeria.
Margaret led her association to a wild and wide demonstration,
condemning the killings, which included women. She "got in touch with
other women groups which got together to protest these killings", as
she stated in "Breaking Barriers". She was later picked up along with
other politicians and released when the women associations threatened
to set Aba and other towns on fire.

Again, this remarkable woman led the women in her fold to fight an
injustice meted to a female prisons officer who was killed by a male
colleague because she refused his love advances. According to her,
Mrs. Onyia was murdered when a six-inch nail was driven into her
head. This was at Enugu prisons department in the early 1950s.
Angered by the murder, the Aba women hired two railway coaches from
Aba to Enugu to do battle with the murderer.

At Enugu, the head of the prisons, a white man, refused to oblige the
women entry to the compound. An ultimatum of ten minutes from the
women forced the man to change his mind. The woman's body was later
exhumed and taken to court with the suspect. He was convicted and
executed. Margaret and her group won. Sufficiently equipped for
politics in a broader perspective, she moved to the mainstream.
TRIBUTE: MARGARET EKPO, THE DOYEN OF WOMEN EMANCIPATION AT 90
by George Onah
• Mrs. Olufumilayo Ransome Kuti was Mrs. Margaret Ekpo's hero.
Both of them toured Nigeria to campaign for Independence, but Mrs.
Kuti played exactly the kind of Role in Egba Land Western Nigeria as
the role played in the East by Margaret Ekpo. Mrs. Kuti formed
Abeokuta Women's Union (AWU) which fought the Sole Native Authority
(SNA) System imposed on Western Nigeria by the Colonial Government.
This system sought to create a dictatorship in Egba land by removing
the checks and balances on the power of the Oba (King).

Under the leadership of Mrs. Olufumilayo Ransome Kuti, a mass
movement was organized, which built on the existing organizations of
Egba women. Through it, they resisted the status of subject under the
SNA. The objectives pursued included resistance against the poll tax,
against the harsh enforcement of sanitation regulations, and the
payment of the water rate, as well as the removal of the Alake of
Abeokuta, Oba Ademola from office
From Ladies to Women: Mass Mobilization in defense of Women's Rights
in the Western Region
4. Other names of women who stood up to authority when men could
not figure out what to do include Mrs. Oyibo Odinamadu, Janet Mokelu,
Ngozi

High tension politics and uncommon compromise prevailed on the leadership of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) as President Olusegun Obasanjo threatened to boycott the official commissioning of the commission’s Corporate Headquarters.
His reason: top shots of the commission named the building after late Babatunde Idiagbon, Former Chief of Staff to General Mohammed Buhari, a man he claim is corrupt.
In addition, President Obasanjo said he is not ready to share the glory of the anti-graft war with anybody dead or alive.
Consequently, the outgoing president who was enraged when he saw the announcement of the commissioning on television, ordered the leadership of EFCC to remove Late Babatunde Idiagbon’s name on the huge neon sign hung on the building.
They were also directed to change the plaque and anything bearing the name of the late Ilorin, Kwara State General.
Competent sources informed Leadership Sunday that the widow of the late soldier and one of his children who were lodged at Transcorp Hilton Hotel got the sad news late on the eve of the commissioning. Mrs Idiagbon was invited to the ceremony to represent her late husband who was acclaimed to be the champion of anti corruption.
According to sources, the widow was given some money and told not to attend the ceremony.
It was further gathered that the commission raised N241,000 which was used in removing the neon sign bearing Idiagbon’s name, painted the space and replaced the plague bearing the name of the late soldier.
Although a new neon sign is yet to replace the removed one, a source informed Leadership Sunday that EFCC officials are at a crossroad and queried the logic in removing Idiagbon’s name and replacing it with the outgoing president’s name.
President Obasanjo was said to have concluded that late Idiagbon was corrupt because he allowed his son, an underage, to travel to Mecca when there was a law preventing same.
When Leadership Sunday visited the EFCC newly commissioned office complex which shares a fence with the former office building, the Babatunde Idiagbon neon-sign had been removed while finishing touches were still being put on the palatial building.
None of the staff was available to shed light on the development. Several attempts to contact Mr. Osita Nwajah, the Public Relations Officer of EFCC through his mobile phone proved abortive as the phone kept ringing without being picked.

PRESS RELEASE

ENAHORO, OTHERS SLATE LEADERS OF THOUGHT PARLEY FOR JUNE 12, AS COURT MOVES SUIT TO ABUJA

27 May, 2007

Chief Anthony Enahoro and other leaders of thought in the country may have decided to hold their much publicized leaders of thought and eminent citizens meeting on Tuesday, June 12, 2007, this is the outcome of a wider consultation embarked upon by Co-Conveners of the historic meeting.

The parley which was earlier scheduled to hold last week was shifted due to the deep involvement of some of the leaders expected to participate at the conference in various activities building up to May 29 and the possibilities of taking on board fall outs from the various political activities leading to May 29.

Those already being consulted for the meeting includes; Gen Muhammadu Buhari, Chief Reuben Fashoranti, Dim Odumegwu Ojukwu, Chief Sunday Awoniyi, Bishop Bolanle Gbonigi, Alhaji Lawan Kaita, Dr Tunji Braithwaite, Chief Solomon Lar, Chief CC Onoh, Gen Adeyinka Adebayo, Prof Kinse Okoko, Chief Bisi Akande, Prof Ben Nwabueze, Chief Olu Falae, Chief MT Mbu, Mr Olisa Agbakoba, Dr Amos Akingba, Chief Gani Fawehinmi,Solomon Asemota (SAN), Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu, Prof Pat Utomi, Rev Chris Okotie, Dr Olapade Agoro,Gen. Alani Akinriade, Comrade Sylvester Ejiofor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole , Barrister Femi Falana among other leaders of various sectors and groups in the country.

The focal points of the meeting, according to the working document prepared for the conference, include; The April 2007 flawed elections and the way forward, Restructuring of Nigeria based on genuinely federal principles, anti peoples' reform policies, Mass platform to actualize popular will etc

Meanwhile, the leadership of the Peoples National Conference received a rude shock last week when they were informed by the officials of the federal high court in Lagos that their application against the FG would have to be moved to Abuja before their suit can be entertained and allotted suit No

According to an high court official, this is because all the defendants are currently located in FCT, Abuja. Chief Enahoro, who was personally in court, however criticized this practice as being unfederalistic while affirming that this situation could not have arisen in a true federal arrangement, hence the need for the enforcement of the people’s constitution.

However, the Abuja federal high court on Friday gave suit No FHC/ABJ/CF/367/07 to the case instituted against the federal government by Enahoro and 4 others and promised to immediately serve the defendants with the motion after which the matter will be assigned to a judge and a date for hearing fixed.

WALE OKUNNIYI
ABUJA


IN THE FEDERAL HIGH COURT
ABUJA JUDICIAL DIVISION
HOLDEN AT ABUJA

SUIT NO.FHC/ABJ/CF/367/07

BETWEEN

1. CHIEF ANTHONY ENAHORO
2. CHIEF C.C. ONOH
3. BISHOP BOLANLE GBONIGI PLAINTIFFS
4. YERIMA USMAN SHETTIMA
5. HAJIA MUJAHEEDAT DOKUBO ASARI

AND

1. THE PRESIDENT OF
THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA
2. THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF
THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA DEFENDANTS
3. THE CLERK, NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF
THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA
4. THE PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE OF
THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA


AFFIDAVIT

I, ANTHONY ERONSELE ENAHORO, Male, Christian, Nigerian, Politician of No. 10 Aideyan Street, G.R.A., Benin City, Nigeria, do hereby make Oath and say as follows:


1. That in the course of my long political and journalistic career which had its beginnings in the early 1940’s, I have been intimately involved in the major political and constitutional developments of Nigeria through the colonial era between 1940 and 1960 and from 1960 to date. I therefore have personal knowledge of the facts deposed herein.



2. That when the battles for the liberation of Nigeria had been waged and won against the British colonial authorities, constitutional arrangements for the emerging sovereign state were negotiated between the various component units and the option adopted was the robust federal set-up complemented by a parliamentary system of government on account of the multi-ethnic nature of the federating units, and this guaranteed substantial internal autonomy for each region and allowing each region to develop at its own pace using mainly its own resources.



3. That the independence Constitution of 1960 (and the 1963 Republican constitution which created the fourth region, the Midwestern Region) were the products of painstaking agreements reached among the federating units at various Constitutional Conferences at which I was present both in Nigeria and the United Kingdom. Despite the early challenges of self-governance between 1961 and 1965, each Region fared relatively well in an atmosphere of healthy rivalry.



4. In January 1966, a group of soldiers made an unsuccessful attempt to take over the reigns of power via a coup d’etat but it collapsed the then government having killed the Prime Minister and certain key functionaries. In the midst of the ensuing confusion, the then head of the Nigerian Army, Major-General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, emerged as Head of State and shortly afterwards, jettisoned the constitution and by decree turned Nigeria to a Unitary State along the lines of a military-style command structure, away from the Federal Union as it was.



5. A counter-coup took place in July 1966 with extensive revenge killings which rapidly degenerated into a civil war between the then breakaway Republic of Biafra (former Eastern Region) and the rest of erstwhile Nigeria, The lasted 3 years and ended in January 1970, with human casualties in excess of 2 million people.



6. Decrees after Decrees and Coups after Coups occurred and Nigeria wobbled on to 1979 when a military supervised 1979 Constitution ushered in the so called 2nd Republic of President Shehu Shagari. The 1979 constitution, though preceded by a “Constituent Assembly”, had final overriding inputs by the then Military Government of General Olusegun Obasanjo and therefore came out essentially as an act of the then military Government.



7. Three months into its fifth year of operation, that Constitution was terminated by yet another coup in December, 1983 led by Major General Mohammed Buhari.



8. Another coup followed in August 1985, led by General Ibrahim Babaginda, from which an endless transition to civil rule programme resulted in the June 12, 1993 election logjam and a three-month Interim National Government which got sacked in November 1993 by another coup led by General Sani Abacha, who held sway until his demise in June 1998 amidst a frantic bid to foist on Nigeria yet another strange constitution.



9. The death of General Abacha threw up General Abdusalam the new dictator as Head of State who embarked on another transition programme in which elections were first conducted for Governorship, legislative and presidential offices after which a “constitution” was promulgated by Decree No. 24 in May 1999., called the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, the subject of this suit.



10. The entire process by which the said 1999 constitution emerged was narrated by the author (General Abdusalam Abubakar) himself at pages A855, A856 and A857 of Decree No. 24 of 1999 called the “1999 Constitution.” Copies of the said pages A855-A857 are annexed hereto and marked “Exhibit 1”. Also annexed hereto is page A1104 of the same Decree No. 24 marked “Exhibit 2”, naming General Abdusalam Abubakar as its maker.



11. In that narration, General Abdusalam Abubakar told the story of how his Government conducted elections under the then Transition to Civil Rule Decree 1998 and then inaugurated a “Constitution Debate Coordinating Committee” which went round and submitted a report which the Provisional Ruling Council approved “…subject to such amendments as are deemed necessary in the public interest.” It is that report that he amended signed and styled it Decree no. 24, “The 1999 constitution”. (see Exhibit 1)



12. That in spite of this narration, General Abubakar at page A869 of the same Decree No. 24 of 1999 inserted a preamble to the operative part which reads in part “WE THE PEOPLE of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, HAVING firmly and solemnly resolved to LIVE in unity and harmony as one indivisible and indissoluble Sovereign Nation………. DO HEREBY MAKE, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES the following Constitution”. The said page A869 is hereby annexed hereto and marked “Exhibit 3”.



13. The claim that “WE THE PEOPLE… DO HEREBY MAKE, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES the following constitution” is patently false in the face of the aforementioned Exhibits 1 & 2 hereto which clearly establish that the document is an act of the then Head of State, General Abdusalam Abubakar and the so-called Provisional Ruling Council which he established.



14. That the authors of the said Decree No. 24, in S.1(3) at page A856 (Exhibit 1) directed that “whenever it may hereafter be necessary for the constitution to be printed, it shall be lawful for the Federal Government printer to omit all parts of this decree apart from the schedule and the constitution as so printed shall have the force of law notwithstanding the omission (see Exhibit 1) In keeping with this directive, a second version of the “1999 Constitution” was printed in which all references to the said decree No. 24 were omitted. Annexed hereto is a copy of the first and last page of that second version marked “Exhibit 4”. Full copies of both versions are annexed and marked “Exhibit 5” and “Exhibit 6” respectively



15. I verily believe that S.1(3) shown in “Exhibit 1” at page 856 which received life in the aforesaid second version (Exhibit 6) is intended to conceal forever the truth of the origin of the 1999 Constitution and to maintain and consolidate the falsehood that “we the people” made, enacted and gave unto ourselves the said 1999 Constitution. This is fraud.



16. I verily believe that this falsehood and the earlier one of 1979 are largely is largely responsible for the quagmire which the Nigerian State has become, manifesting in political instability, violent agitations and gross economic backwardness, giving rise to other falsehoods and frauds which now go by the name, “corruption”. Furthermore, by the admission of the authors in S.14 (1) & (2)(a) of the said Decree No. 24 (1999 Constitution) “sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria from whom Government through this Constitution derives all its powers and authority ” (Annexed hereto is a copy of page A882 and marked “Exhibit 7” showing the said S.14(1) & (2)(a).) The manifest intention is to, through the backdoor, bring the “1999 Constitution” to conform to the universal irreducible minimum in constitutional jurisprudence.



17. After many years of urging the Government to convene a Sovereign Conference of the people to make a constitution for themselves (since the violent overthrow of the last negotiated constitution in 1966), the response has been nothing but the arrogant imposition of “constitutions” by various military administrations. The various peoples of Nigeria in seeking to end their suffering sat in conference between 1st Oct, 2005 and August 5th, 2006 to work out an agreement of how to live together in peace in Nigeria at the Peoples’ National Conference (PNC). This was after the sudden collapse of the last pretence by the Government in Abuja styled the National Political Reform Conference, 2005. The PNC which I had the privilege to chair was widely reported in the media and I believe it is a matter of public knowledge.



18. The aforesaid Peoples’ National Conference (PNC) was successful and we have today a Draft Peoples’ Constitution proposed by that Conference and which has received the overwhelming endorsement of various component nationalities of Nigeria, including the self-determination advocates throughout Nigeria, the ethnic nationality groups including the Igbos, the Yorubas, Hausas, Tivs, Fulanis, Ijaws and other nationalities. I have no doubt in my mind that if a referendum is called today on that Draft Peoples’ Constitution, it will be an overwhelming “YES” in favour throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the peace which had eluded us for over 40 years since 1966 will return. A copy of the said Draft Peoples’ Constitution is annexed hereto and marked “Exhibit 8”.



19. There have been agitations from various groups in Nigeria for a return to the true federal structure. Some of the agitations have in fact been violent, as witnessed in the Niger Delta. Some are in frustration pressing to resuscitate the defunct Biafra, which itself was a fallout of the early distortions of our federal union and the old constitution. Answers to these agitations, I verily believe, lie within the Draft Peoples’ Constitution proposed by the PNC.



20. I make this affidavit in good faith and in accordance with the Oaths Law of Nigeria



__________________________________
DEPONENT
Made this24th day of May 2007.

Sworn to at the Registry of
The Federal High Court,
Abuja Division, Abuja

Before Me


…………………………………………..
Commissioner for Oaths


IN THE FEDERAL HIGH COURT
ABUJA JUDICIAL DIVISION
HOLDEN AT ABUJA

SUIT NO.FHC/ABJ/CF/367/07
BETWEEN



1. CHIEF ANTHONY ENAHORO
2. CHIEF C.C. ONOH
3. BISHOP BOLANLE GBONIGI PLAINTIFFS
4. YERIMA USMAN SHETTIMA
5. HAJIA MUJAHEEDAT DOKUBO ASARI

AND

1. THE PRESIDENT OF
THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA
2. THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF
THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA DEFENDANTS
3. THE CLERK, NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF
THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA
4. THE PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE OF
THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA


ORIGINATING SUMMONS
BROUGHT PURSUANT TO SECTIONS S.14(1)&(2)(a), 251(1)(q), 315(3)(d) & (4)(b) OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA 1999, ORDER 40 RULES (2) AND (6) OF THE FEDERAL HIGH COURT RULES, 2000 AND UNDER THE INHERENT JURISDICTION OF THIS HONOURABLE COURT.

Let……………of………………………………………..in…………………………within eight days after the service of this summons on him inclusive of the day of such service, cause an appearance to be entered for him to this summons which is issued upon the application………………………………………………….of…………………………………..who claims as follows:

1. That by virtue of sections 1 and 2 of Decree No. 24 1999 titled “the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Promulgation) Decree 1999” as contained in pages A855-A856 of the Supplement to Official Gazette Extraordinary No. 27, Vol. 86, 5th May, 1999 Part A, the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is not an act of the people of Nigeria as claimed in page A869 of the aforesaid Gazette.

2. That the preamble to the schedule to Decree No. 24 1999 which in part that “WE THE PEOPLE OF NIGERIA……………………..DO HEREBY MAKE, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES the following Consultation” is a lie to the extent that it is an act of the then Head of State and Commander-in-Chief and his Provisional Ruling Council, (PRC), and therefore renders the entire document a fraud, lacking in legitimacy and requiring immediate replacement by a true Constitution.

3. That an attempt was made via Section 1(3) of Decree No. 24 of 1999 to conceal forever the true origin of the 1999 Constitution and the product of that attempt is the version referred to in paragraph 14 of the affidavit of the first plaintiff, Chief Anthony Enahoro and marked Exhibit 6.

4. That the plaintiffs hold this fraud responsible for the several distortions in the structure, governance and management of the Nigerian State which has resulted in deaths, pain, system failure, hardship, hunger, mass poverty, insecurity and socio-political instability, with a prediction and possibility that Nigeria may become a failed State.

5. That it will amount to a perpetuation of fraud for the Government and Management to continue on the basis of the said 1999 Constitution.

The plaintiffs have therefore applied to this Honourable Court for the determination of the following questions:

1. Whether in view of the contents of pages A855-A856, A869 and A1104 of Exhibit 1, the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is an act of the people of Nigeria or an act of the then Head-of-State General Abdusalami Abubakar and his Provisional Ruling Council.

2. Whether in the light of the true origin of the 1999 Constitution it will not amount to a perpetuation of fraud to continue to Govern and Manage Nigeria on the basis of the said 1999 Constitution.

Consequent upon the answers to questions 1 & 2 above, the plaintiffs pray the court for the following reliefs:

(i.) The declaration that the 1999 Constitution is not an act of the people of Nigeria as portrayed in the preamble thereto.

(ii.) An order setting aside the preamble to the 1999 Constitution for being untrue and a gross misrepresentation of the facts of its true origin.

(iii.) An order that the Draft Peoples Constitution Proposed by the Peoples’ National Conference be put to a “YES or NO” referendum forthworth with a view to adopting same as Nigeria’s new constitution.
OR
In the alternative an order that the said Draft Peoples’ Constitution be put side by side with the 1999 Constitution to a referendum for the people of Nigeria to choose which they subscribe to.

(iv.) An order specifying a time frame not exceeding 18 months for the termination of operation of the 1999 Constitution.

Dated this………24th……….day of……May…………2007

The summons was taken out by………………………………………………..Legal Practitioners for the above-named Plaintiffs.

The defendant may appear hereto by entering appearance personally or by Legal Practitioner whether by handing in the appropriate forms duly completed, at the FEDERAL HIGH COURT REGISTRY, of the Lagos Division, Lagos State or by sending them to that office by post.

For service on the 1st and 2nd Defendants
At the following address
The Attorney General Chambers,
Federal Ministry of Justice,
Federal Secretarial,
Abuja

For service on the 3rd and 4th Defendants
At the following address
Office of the Clerk of the National Assembly,
National Assembly Complex,
Three Arms Zone,
Abuja

Sunday, May 27, 2007 Frankly Speaking
Dele Sobowale

Only cowards insult dying majesty—AESOP, c550 B.C. Fable of ‘The Sick Lion'

AMERICANS call presidents in the last months of their tenures “Lame duck
presidents”. From the standpoint of power, it is as apt a description as one can imagine with regard to people who have occupied positions of great power and prestige for a long time when the hour comes for them to relinquish it. Suddenly, NTA will not start every news broadcast with “President Obasanjo said” or “President Obasanjo opened a conference”; the court jesters, the professional buffoons and favour seekers will move on; sycophants will ply their trade with someone else in mind and, for the most part, the ex-president becomes irrelevant. This week, President Obasanjo will pass into history and become an ex-president. There is always an end to all things. Despite the fact that the departure is not voluntary; we all know the desperate attempts made to prolong the stay, some would expect this valedictory column on the president to be full of criticism.

Unfortunately, those expecting that would be disappointed. I don’t believe in kicking at dead or mortally wounded lions; no courage is required to do that. Real courage demands that your opponent, no matter how powerful, must be able to strike back, if he so wishes. Instead, this column will focus on all the things that Obasanjo has done well; the things which, if they have been written two years or even a year ago, would have been misinterpreted as “office-seeking” or “services rendered for gratification received” on my part. There has never been and there will never be any payment for services rendered to anyone on this page. The notion that every media person is settled if he says something good about a public figure, unfortunately, is a limitation many columnists have. The widespread suspicion that you have been settled, otherwise, you will not see anything good in a public official is so strong, it sometimes, acts as deterrent.

With Obasanjo’s imminent departure, I am free to express the other side, just as some children weep when even a harsh father departs. For all the criticism we have directed at Obasanjo, the man still has enduring qualities which have served this nation well. Even his harshest critics, including me, must admit that the president loves this country with a passion unsurpassed by any leader before him; equaled, maybe, in some cases, but not exceeded. And he took most of his decisions based on what he thought was best for the country. We might not agree with him and human frailties, which we all possess, might have diluted the effort in some cases, but the objectives were noble at the start. Perhaps, the place to start is with the initiatives that have, since inception, become controversial so that we can end on the happy notes of achievements that were indisputably commendable. Forgive me if I am selective, but, it is impossible to chronicle the activities of a President over eight years in a half page without being selective.

Two measures will serve as proxy for all the disputable achievements or those that have produced mixed results. The first is the establishment of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC. To begin with, the establishment of the EFCC represented the fulfillment of a promise Obasanjo made shortly after his election in 1999. He had promised to fight corruption to a standstill and he needed something more powerful than all the statutes on our books which have allowed crooked officials and international bandits to escape untouched. Judged strictly on the objectives it was designed to achieve, the EFCC Act of 2004 will be ranked by future historians as one of the best pieces of legislation ever in this country. Unfortunately, the EFCC and the choice of chairman which should have been so hailed by every Nigerian soon succumbed to those human frailties referred to above. But, the most important thing is that we have the law on the books.

The second was the right-sizing of the Federal Civil Service. If the truth must be told, nobody who has ever had reason to visit any Federal Ministry, in Abuja and elsewhere, can fail to observe the degree of over-staffing in the system. The most common scene is that of staff either sleeping (that is, if they show up for work at all) or sitting idle from morning till night. The whole thing has never made economic sense and no government policy which ignores economics can be socially beneficial in the long run.

Paid and continuous idleness partly explains the reason why most civil servants, on losing their jobs, find it difficult, if not impossible, to secure and hold on to new jobs. Again, the measure was commendable. But, the implementation was something else and the aftermath of the whole exercise isles tidy than what the president promised. Still, Obasanjo has left a mark. Henceforth, the civil service should only employ people who can be fully engaged; or, to put it differently, people who earn their pay instead of being “dashed” money by the Father Christmas, which the Federal government has become.

In fact, I pray for Obasanjo each time I remember that one. Now, let me turn to the indisputable “best goals”, to use the language of the beautiful game. Again, three will serve as proxy: external debt, bank consolidation and NAFDAC. The GSM revolution has been excluded because the encomiums that Obasanjo has deservedly received on that one have been so overwhelming, it would amount to dropping a teaspoonful of water into the ocean to add another song of praise on that score.

Some have argued that we paid too much to exit our debt trap. They have a point. But, that point pales into insignificance when compared with the enormous economic advantages that would, ultimately, accrue to the country if its debt burden is low. And, there is the political benefit. A debtor nation’s foreign policy is always a hostage to the creditor countries. Its freedom of action on the global arena is severely curtailed. The benefit of that freedom is immeasurable. But, it is fact that no nation can aspire to greatness, if it is shackled by debt.

Banking consolidation, primarily, created Nigerian banks which are now able to compete globally. But, it achieved more than that. In my view, the banking sector under Babangida (when three bedroom flats became banks overnight) and Abacha (when government propped up only those banks supportive of Abacha’s political ambition) and banking had become a parasite sucking the economy while providing little or no banking services as known universally. In fact, in one of my columns on banks during the Abacha administration, bankers were ranked lower than prostitutes and armed robbers. The call girl gave fun in return for the pay. The robber usually took only the money with you. But, the banker took virtually everything including life as many whose loved ones died of heart attack in the early 1990 can testifiy when several banks went under.

There have been more positive changes in the banking sector in the last two years than all the years since the International Bank for West Africa, IBWA first set up shop here. As Professor Soludo would say, “we now have banks where you can keep your money and go to sleep”. It was not always so. Again, I offer another prayer for Baba Iyabo. NAFDAC is a continuing story in which the real hero has received

We can only see with open eyes
We can only listen with open ears
We can only think with open minds